Download Citation on ResearchGate | On Jan 1, , Loic Wacquant and others published From slavery to mass incarceration: Rethinking the “race question”. According to Wacquant, an unforeseen by-product of chattel slavery was the Institutions in U.S. History: “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration”. Of the supplementary readings provided, I found “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration” by Loïc Wacquant the most intriguing. This particular.

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A History of African Americanseds. This ratio has similarly dropped for property crimes such as burglary from 4.

To grasp the deep kinship between ghetto and prison, which helps explain how the structural decline and functional redundancy of the one led to the unexpected ascent and astonishing growth of the other during the last quarter-century, it is necessary first to characterize accurately the ghetto.

Hill and Wang,pp. Expert testimony presented to the House Committees on the Judiciary and Crime during discussion of the Prison Industries Reform Act of explicitly linked welfare reform to the need to expand private prison labour.

Black ownership declined steadily over time, as did the value and size of the farms they owned, most of which were marginal concerns installed on infertile land and starved for capital and credit Neil R. Indiana University Press, So when, after the s, it became more advantageous for plantation owners to purchase slaves shipped in from West Africa or the Barbados than to obtain Slaverj tenants, bond-servants, and apprentices, the extinction of indentured labor and the reign of chattel slavery were jointly sealed.

My presentations Profile Feedback Log out. Their mode of urban incorporation was qualitatively different—indeed unique: And all have consistently racialized the arbitrary boundary setting African-Americans apart from all others in the United States by actively denying its cultural origin in history, ascribing it instead to the fictitious necessity of biology. The Practice of Punishment in Modern Societyeds. Blackness with respect to males and criminality become synonymous.

This is because, whereas in the early decades of the colony the status of slave and servant were virtually indistinguishable—the terms were even used interchangeably—and color distinctions incidental to social life, by the nineteenth century the legal opposition between bondsmen and freemen had been fully overlaid by a racialized dichotomy between whites and Negroes.


But here we come upon the troublesome fact that the social sciences have failed to develop a robust analytic concept of the ghetto; instead they have been content to borrow the folk concept current in political and popular discourse at each epoch. It should be stressed that the intricate web of customary rules and legal statutes enforcing white supremacy in the former Confederacy from the s to the s was not a Southern oddity out of kilter with the national evolution of ethnoracial relations.

Specifying the workings of the ghetto as mechanism of caste closure and control makes readily visible its structural and functional kinship with the prison: Oxford University Pres, As with slavery and the segregationist regime of Jim Crow, the state provided decisive backing for the erection of the ghetto as the urban container designed to hold contaminating black bodies at a safe remove while wringing vital labor power loicc of them.

It is not by happenstance that the age of slavery in the Americas opened concurrently with the invention of the workhouse and the movement towards the incarceration of the marginals in Europe in prisons, hospitals, and asylums.

While incarcerxtion tied African-American labour to the farm, a rigid etiquette ensured that whites and blacks never interacted on a plane of equality, not even on the running track or in a boxing ring—a Birmingham ordinance of made it unlawful for them to play at checkers and dominoes with one another.

On an another line of thought, I am curious about the way this specific American history helped shaping the Gay rights movement: The Jim Crow system of legalized discrimination and segregation. Auth with social network: In the early colonial era wage work was a marginal mode of labor organization that could not satisfy production needs, as free workers were scarce and dear and, for those very reasons, anything but submissive.

Thanks, again, for the thought provoking post. While the north did not employ the overt segregating methods of the Jim Crow South, nonetheless, African Americans had little choice given the widespread practice of restrictive covenants but to live in urban ghettos. The Great Migration redirected these population streams towards the urban North and amplified them by harnessing them to industrial wage employment.

Johns Hopkins University Press, According to Wacquant, the prison returns to the forefront of American society in the s, as part of a transformation process of the State itself. One must likewise avoid reducing penal policies either to an instrumental logic of domination and interest or to an expressive logic of communication and identity, for these dynamics wacuant work most effectively in tandem.


The Making of a Negro Ghetto, Chicago: This periodization differs from accepted chronologies of black-white relations in three ways: Postcolonial Migrants in the Prisons of Europe. New York University Press, Either way labor would be wrung from him. incarceratoin

Loic Wacquant: From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. New Left Review 13, January-February

In the Lic, by contrast, the sheer size, density and anonymity of urban settlement [] combined with caste division to create a viable captive pool of clients for black businesses, professionals, and assorted producers of symbolic goods such as the press, pastors, politicians, and performance artists.

Four Strategies to Curb Carceral Costs. University of Chicago Press, It is apposite to recall here that the first twenty Africans brought to Jamestown in were indentured servants and not slaves. As historian Edmund Morgan has pointed out. Jim Crow South, For more information, see our privacy statement.


Michael Tonry Chicago, IL: The leading analysts of the penal question, from David Rothman to Michel Foucault to Alfred Blumstein, were then unanimous in predicting the imminent marginalization of the prison as an institution of social control or, at worst, the stabilization of penal confinement at a historically moderate level. Likewise, the shift from ghetto to hyperghetto-cum-prison has been accompanied by a deep class splintering of the black community, a gradual erosion of the capacities for collective action it had built over the preceding half-century, and a corresponding loss of traction over the major strategic frlm of the preceding periods, liberal whites, the Democratic Party, and the federal government, which acted under duress to dismantle the caste system of the South in the sixties but reneged at the task when it came to the urban ghetto of the North in the seventies.

If you wish to download it, please recommend it to your friends in any social system. Likewise, inmates throughout Western Europe are overwhelmingly drawn from the deskilled incarceraation precarious fractions of the working class.